terming it " unreasonable and provocative."* Russia., as it was known, was in no way connected with any international organisation and, from the first, there were doubts as to whether Moscow would recognise any investigation made by the International Red Cross as being the " absolute guarantee of impartiality." Pravda wrote : " The Polish leaders, have fallen into the trap of Goebbels' provoca- teurs and thus,, in effect, have supported the lying tricks and libellous inventions of the executioners of the Polish people." The Soviet News Agency, Toss,, went even further. And in the statement published on April 20, they said: c< The fact that the anti-Soviet campaign began simultaneously in the German and Polish Press and is proceeding on the same plane, enables us to presume that this anti-Soviet campaign is carried out by preliminary agreement between the German invaders and the Polish pro-Hitler turncoats from General SikorskFs ministerial circles." On the following day the International Red Cross declined the Polish request, since one of the parties concerned, i.e., Moscow, was opposed to any investigation. Thus for the time being the problem of the fate of these thousands of Polish officers was left unsolved, or at any rate further investigation was closed to the Polish Government. Up to that date the British Press had made few comments, preferring rather to wait, and it seemed as if the affair was to make little stir after all in the camp of the United Nations. But the Kremlin's intentions were otherwise and if, in the first days of the Katyn affair, they had limited themselves to denials and to producing other explanations of this tragedy, the Soviet Govern- ment now attacked the Poles so violently over their attitude^ that a crisis was inevitable. The American and British public were informed that there was a serious conflict between the two Allied Governments. With each succeeding day Moscow deliberately widened the scope of its cam- * The Editor, The Nineteenth Century and After,, June, 1943. " Poland, Russia and Great Britain " :—The Polish appeal to the International Red Cross has at least drawn one categorical statement from the Russians, namely, that these officers had fallen into the hands of the Germans near Smolensk in the summer of 1941 . . . But if the Russian Government knew this to be so., why did they not impart their knowledge to the Polish Government in response to the repeated enquiries made in the second half of the year 1941 and at the beginning of 1942 ? And why was nothing known as to the fate of these officers from the time they were last heard of (the spring of 1940) until the time (the summer of 1941) the Germans, according to the Russian allegation, captured them ? Besides, it is inconceivable that eight thousand;, three hundred officers, prisonersof-war in Russian custody, could have been captured by the Germans without the knowledge of the Russian authorities. If these officers had been captured by the enemy there must have been some witnesses to the capture and they must at least have been missed soon afterwards. It would have been easy for the Russian Govern- ment, had they even suspected at the time, that the Polish officers had disappeared in this way, to say so when the Polish-Russian Agreement was signed in 1941, instead of saying that they had all been released from Russian internment camps, so that Polish authorities counted on their arrival at any time. Russia is accountable for the eight thousand, three hundred Polish officers. But she has not been able to account for them except by the hitherto assertion that they were murdered by the Germans.